Justin Wolfers:
If you’re at all like us, chances
are you’ll spend Tuesday [April 15th] finishing your taxes. As you
search for every last deduction and credit, it’s worth asking:
Does any of this make sense?
Here’s a way to see through the fog. Instead of looking at
all the breaks for mortgage interest, health care, retirement
savings and so on as deductions, picture the government writing
you a check for each item. This equivalence between tax
deductions and government spending leads economists to call them
“tax expenditures.” Reformers have hit on an even more pointed
description: spending through the tax code.
The tax system is ...equivalent to a collection of
individual mandates, like the one in the Obama health-care law,
with penalties for Americans who fail to buy insurance. For many
people, that’s how our system works. You and your neighbor might
have the same income, but if, unlike your neighbor, you fail to
have a mortgage or buy as much health insurance, then you have
to pay higher taxes.
You may feel very differently about tax deductions,
government handouts and mandates backed by penalties.
Economically, though, they are identical. They yield the same
outcomes and provide the same incentives.
Insidious Mechanism
...Unlike typical government spending, tax expenditures
aren’t reauthorized each year by Congress, so they have immense
staying power. Because they aren’t as visible as outright
spending, they aren’t subject to the scrutiny of campaigns to
pare back waste or assess effectiveness.
Indeed, spending through the tax code is so politically
stealthy that it has won over enemies of government largesse,
such as Grover Norquist... It’s a
tribute to our psychological biases that getting a subsidy
through the tax system is treated so differently from receiving
a government check...
The result: Even as many areas of government spending have
been cut to the bone, our tax code remains larded up with
expenditures that cost taxpayers $1.3 trillion every year.
According to the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center, the biggest tax
expenditures apply to employer-provided health insurance,
pension contributions and mortgages.
Popular as such tax breaks may be, they differ from typical
government spending in that they give bigger subsidies to
wealthier families. Imagine if we mailed checks to all
homeowners to help them pay their mortgages. Would you support
giving millionaires with mansions 25 times more than the typical
family? That’s effectively what we do: Middle-class families get
an average benefit from the mortgage interest deduction of $139,
while families in the top 1 percent get $3,752.
Taken together, individual income tax expenditures are the
equivalent of sending $686 each year to those in the bottom
fifth of the income distribution, $3,175 to those in the middle
fifth, and $30,714 to those in the upper fifth. The average
member of the top 1 percent gets nearly a quarter of a million
dollars a year...
The rich get such big subsidies for three reasons. First,
they spend more on the things the tax system favors, such as
homes and health care. Second, they are subject to higher tax
rates, so they get more benefit from each dollar of deductions.
Finally, they’re rich enough to take full advantage of their
deductions. The poor typically have too little income to
itemize, while many families in the upper middle class find
themselves siphoned off into a separate tax system known as the
alternative minimum tax, which allows fewer deductions.
Honest Discussion
...Here’s our proposal: Let’s replace all tax expenditures
with explicit subsidies -- that is, with actual federal payments
-- so we can really see the costs and debate all spending
programs on an equal footing. Doing so would help us answer
crucial questions, such as whether we get more bang for our buck
by subsidizing homeownership or by spending more on schools. There’s one more payoff to getting rid of the myriad breaks
hidden in our byzantine tax code: It will be a lot easier to get
your taxes done before midnight.
Mitt Romney says he wants to reduce tax expenditures and reduce tax rates although he has not specified any significant deductions and loopholes that he would close because most of them are popular. Although some
analysts such as the Tax Policy Center judged that Romney's unsubstantiated goal to broaden the tax base would raise taxes on the middle class, that could arguably be
good for economic growth:
Conservatives worry a lot that high taxes discourage growth. Liberals
tend to downplay this. One way they downplay it is by noting that in
addition to the incentive effect (higher rates give you less reason to
work) there's an income effect (less money in your pocket gives you more
reason to work). The genius of the Romney reform is that from a
labor-supply viewpoint it pushes on both levers.
Thanks to the lower marginal tax rates, under Romney's plan everyone
would face lower taxes on the next dollar of income he earns. That's a
stronger incentive to work. But thanks to the elimination of deductions,
most middle class families would see their total tax bill go up. Those
lower after-tax incomes also create a stronger incentive to
work. It's a double-whammy, staying revenue-neutral while turning the
tax code into a much more work-friendly document.
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